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Historical Background of Israel and Turkey

1The recorded history of the turkey spans about 500 years (.W. Brant, 1998 ). Turkeys originated in North America, were domesticated in Europe, and are now an important source of food in many parts of the world. This review touches on some major episodes in the history of this valuable and beautiful bird, its discovery, domestication, the fame it achieved, its name and the development of some varieties, including the broad breasted phenomenon and Beltsville Small White.
Turkey has often been noted for the 'moderation' of its Islam-influenced government, a positive example of the compatibility of Islam and democracy (

.Since the establishment of the Republic in 1923 (Deniz Akin, 22. mars 2010 )
, Turkey has gone through a process of westernization, secularization and nationalization; i.e., the components of what is often defined as the modernization project (Saktanber, 2002, p.20). Women were regarded as an important part of this whole process. As a part of the ‘secularization’ process, women were aimed to be freed from the constraints of religion and turned into citizens of the young republic. The Swiss Civil Code was adopted in 1926 and women’s suffrage was introduced in 1934 which can both be regarded as the major reforms.

The paradoxical operation of the modernization process in relation to the status of women can further be evaluated according to the state-designated image of women. The socio-political structure of the Ottoman Empire was very traditional and religion was an important part of the organization of everyday life. In this sense, talking about women’s citizenship rights and offering them access to the public sphere under the ‘modernization project’ was sensitive topics to be discussed during the early years of the republic. In other words, as Ayşe Saktanber describes in her book “Living Islam: Women, Religion and the Politicization of Culture in Turkey”, the politicians of the young republic had to negotiate the status of the ‘modern’ woman with a traditionally conservative society.

Secularism was the key motto and positioning of women within this motto was obviously a challenge. Here, the notion of ‘nationalism’ played a balancing role between modern and traditional. While Mustafa Kemal, the founder of the Turkish Republic and the commander of the Independence War, was proposing the reforms concerning women, he emphasized the heroic role played by women during the Independence War, underlying the fact that women share a significant part in the independence of the country and deserve equal rights with men (Parla, 2001, pp.71-75).
This image of the nationalist/patriotic woman was not traditional and backward-looking in terms of appearance and she would not stay at home but participate in the public sphere and serve the modernization of the nation. But at the same time she would be careful about her honour and chastity. In other words, the patriotic modern citizen identity limited the experience and the expression of a distinctive female sexuality, Parla explains. This can be seen as another type of boundaries set in front of women. It sounds like a precondition which offers women to enjoy the public domain but never forget the values and norms attached to her sexuality.
According to a report published by European Stability Initiative in 2007, Turkey has its first “woman revolution” during this modernization process because of the reforms mentioned above.
The report states that currently Turkey is going through its “second women’s revolution” since 2001 with the constitutional changes within the Civil and Penal Code. In order to understand this ‘second revolution’, we have to take a brief look at the development of the feminist movement in Turkey.

Turkey has a strategic place in world politics. As Ahmad (1991: 226 and 1993) said, Turkey's strategic location on the Straits and on the cross-roads between Europe and Asia will remain unchanged. Turkey is a meeting point between Europe and Asia not only geographically, but also ideologically between Eastern and Western civilisation The Turkish secular and democratic system has provided a model to both the Islamic Middle East and the new Turkish states of the former Soviet Union.
    The new state was created from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire in 1920s. Turkey has turned her face completely to the west since the foundation of the Republic. The economic and social development, as Hale examined (Hale, 1981), have proceeded in a predominantly liberal competitive political system since the 1940s. (Ali Arslan,2004)

RELIGION IN TURKEY
The issue of religion and its role in political affairs is a very old one
in Turkey. It became salient in the mid-nineteenth century, when
the Ottoman empire began to westernize( Binnaz Toprak20 June 1999).The early reforms of the republic in the 1920s were basically designed
to replace Ottoman Islamic civilization with its Western counterpart.
At the center of these reforms was the policy of laicism, a
French approach to religion far more militant than secularism. Turkish
laicism was very much in the French tradition, especially of the
Third Republic, which lasted from 1870 until 1940. During those
seventy years, no politician in France who was known publicly to go
to mass on Sundays was ever able to enter into the cabinet. The
same was true of promotions within the French army.

Literature in turkey
The literature of the Turks is among the oldest of living literatures. In nearly twelve centuries, it has been alive in many continents and regions, expressing itself in a diversity of languages and scripts, and remaining receptive to external influences as well as maintaining its intrinsic impetus for renewal. From Central Asia to Anatolia and beyond, it has served as a faithful mirror of Turkish societies and cultures, often functioning as a vehicle for pioneering ideas and ideals. As such, Turkish literature is both a repository of time-honored values and a powerful catalyst for change. JTL aims to reflect these aspects while encompassing the literary output of the Turks in Asia, the Middle East, the Balkans, and elsewhere. Its main emphasis is on Seljuk, Ottoman, and modern Turkish literature as well as on Central Asian roots. (Talât Sait Halman









Religion and politics in Israel and Jerusalem
Judaism, Summer, 1995 by Ira Sharkansky
Israel presents an intriguing site for examining the role of religion in politics. In many respects, it is a polar opposite of the typical Western, secular democracy.(1) Founded as a Jewish state, Israel I did not follow the trend that had prevailed for more than a century in Europe and North America@ instead, Israel brought religion into the state, though in a complicated way. Nevertheless, while religious issues regularly appear with high levels of intensity in Israel, public policy even for the Holy City of Jerusalem resembles the situation in numerous Western democracies.
Religious interests are powerful enough to affect the political agenda but not so powerful as to dominate policy making. The many and complex religious doctrines and practices multiply the demands coming from religious constituencies, and limit the influence of individual religious leaders. Secular interests, including the antireligious, are sufficiently powerful to block religious initiatives, though these either do not wish to dominate the state against religious interests, or they are not strong enough to do so.(2) While partisans of religion or of secular values both claim that the other is aggressive and dominates public policy, in reality there is a tense standoff between the two views.


Filipino Migration to the United States
Even prior to the U.S. annexation of the Philippines, there was already a Filipino community in Louisiana. However, it was the American colonization of the Philippines which paved the way for an exodus of Filipinos to the United States. There were two types of Filipinos who went to the United States. One type was comprised of the educated and, initially, middle class Filipinos who came as pensionados, or government scholars, for the purpose of furthering their education and training in the U.S. The second type were poor Filipinos who came as a cheap migrating labor supply for Hawaii plantations, California farms, and the Alaska fishing industry. While most of the pensionados went home after several years of schooling, most of the Filipino migrant workers eventually made the U.S. their new homeland. The collective experiences of the pensionados and migrant workers constitute the early history of the Filipino Americans, and they occupy a significant niche in the history of Filipino diaspora.
Louisiana Community
The earliest Filipino settlement in the United States was the Manila men of the Saint Malo village, Louisiana. Called the Louisiana community, the settlers were Filipino sailors who jumped from the Spanish vessels plying the famous Manila-Acapulco galleon trade during the Spanish colonization of the Philippines. While the galleon was docked in the west coast of Mexico, many Filipinos escaped the oppressive colonial conditions and traveled east to Vera Cruz where they boarded another ship or traveled by land until Louisiana. An 1883 Harper’s Weekly report on the Louisiana community noted the presence of this Manila community which it dated at that time to be over fifty years, and which comprised of about a dozen small huts raised above the swamps. Almost entirely men, these Filipinos lived by fishing and catching alligators. They were said to speak Spanish and a Philippine language, most probably Tagalog since they were referred to in the report as Tagalas from the Philippine Islands. They were believed to have eventually assimilated that to date the Saint Malo village is no longer in existence.
Pensionados
Political tutelage was one of the goals set forth by the U.S. when it acquired the Philippines. One reason for training Filipinos in lessons of self-rule was to create a pool of qualified, highly educated civil servants emboding the American ideals. Thus, in 1903, through the passage of the Pensionado Act, qualified Filipino students could be sent to the United States to further their education. These students were called pensionados since they were scholars studying at the expense of the colonial government.
In the first decade of the American rule, pensionados, some of whom were women, were chosen from the wealthy, Filipino elite. It was members of this same privileged class who were able to acquire education during the late Spanish period. However, as the free and compulsory American colonial educational system took root in the Philippines, educational opportunities were democratized. As a result, many of the later pensionados were young and intelligent government employees who were not necessarily wealthy. Becoming a pensionado was prestigious, and it promised a bright future as well. Upon their return to the Philippines, pensionados were given promotions or better job opportunities in the colonial bureaucracy.
Not all Filipino students in the United States were pensionados. In the 1920s, most of them were sent by their wealthy parents for schooling. Others who did not have that distinguished background found jobs and were self-supporting. While many of these students stayed in the U.S. for good, most of them returned home. These U.S.-schooled students, especially the pensionados, were often accused of bringing home an American accent and a condescending attitude brought about by having been Americanized.

Filipino Immigrants in the United States

By Aaron Terrazas
Migration Policy Institute

Editor's note: For an updated version of this Spotlight, please click here.

The number of Filipino immigrants in the United States tripled between 1980 and 2006, from 501,440 to 1.6 million, making them the second largest immigrant group in the United States after Mexican immigrants and ahead of the Chinese, Indian, and Vietnamese foreign born.

Over two-thirds of all Filipino immigrants resided in just five states although their numbers are growing in places like Nevada, North Carolina, and Texas (for more information on immigrants by state, please see the 2006 ACS/Census Data tool on the MPI Data Hub).

Men born in the Philippines have a lower rate of participation in the civilian labor force than immigrant men overall. By contrast, Filipino-born women have a higher rate of participation in the civilian labor force than immigrant women overall, and civilian employed immigrant women from the Philippines are concentrated in health-care and related occupations.

This spotlight focuses on Filipino immigrants residing in the United States, examining the population's size, geographic distribution, and socioeconomic characteristics using data from the US Census Bureau's 2006 American Community Survey (ACS) and 2000 Decennial Census, and the Department of Homeland Security's Office of Immigration Statistics (OIS) for 2006 and 2007.

Size and Distribution
There were 1.6 million foreign born from the Philippines residing in the United States in 2006.
Filipino immigrants made up 4 percent of all immigrants in 2006.
Almost half of all Filipino immigrants resided in California in 2006, and over two-thirds of the population were concentrated in five states.
The size of the Filipino immigrant population grew more than 50 percent in 11 states between 2000 and 2006.
In five states, the size of the Filipino immigrant population declined between 2000 and 2006.
Demographic and Socioeconomic Overview
One of every five Filipino foreign born in the United States arrived in 2000 or later.
Nearly two-thirds of Filipino immigrants in 2006 were adults of working age.
Filipino immigrant women outnumbered men by about three to two in 2006.
The majority of Filipino immigrants were naturalized US citizens in 2006.
About one-third of Filipino immigrants in 2006 were limited English proficient.
Nearly half of Filipino foreign-born adults had a bachelor's or higher degree.
Filipino immigrant women were more likely to participate in the civilian labor force than foreign-born women overall.
Almost one-third of employed Filipino-born women had health-care and related occupations.
There were 81,545 Filipino-born veterans of the US Armed Forces in the United States in 2006.
Legal and Unauthorized Filipino Immigrant Population
The Filipino foreign born accounted for about 4.5 percent of all lawful permanent residents living in the United States in 2006.
About 984,000 Filipinos have gained lawful permanent residence in the United States since 1990.
Over half of Filipino-born lawful permanent residents in 2007 were admitted as the immediate relatives of US citizens.
Filipino-born lawful permanent residents made up 3.8 percent of all those eligible to naturalize as of 2006.
In 2006, 2 percent of all unauthorized immigrants in the United States were from the Philippines.
The number of unauthorized immigrants from the Philippines increased 40 percent between 2000 and 2006.
Size and Distribution

There were 1.6 million foreign born from the Philippines residing in the United States in 2006.
The 1960 census counted 104,843 Filipino immigrants, a number that increased 15.6 times to 1,638,413 Filipino immigrants in 2006. The Filipino born were the second-largest foreign-born group in the United States in 2006 after immigrants from Mexico.

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Filipino immigrants made up 4.4 percent of all immigrants in 2006.
In 1960, Filipino immigrants composed 1.1 percent of all foreign born in the United States. That share more than tripled to 3.6 percent in 1980 and increased to 4.6 percent in 1990 but decreased slightly to 4.4 percent in 2006 (see Table 1).
Table 1. Total and Filipino Foreign-Born Populations, 1960 to 2006
Year
Foreign born
Filipino born


Rank(a)
Share of all foreign born
Number
1960
9,738,091
20
1.1%
104,843
1970
9,619,302
11
1.9%
184,842
1980
14,079,906
7
3.6%
501,440
1990
19,797,316
2
4.6%
912,674
2000
31,107,889
2
4.4%
1,369,070
2006
37,547,315
2
4.4%
1,638,413
Notes: a Rank refers to the position of the Filipino born relative to other immigrant groups in terms of size of the population residing in the United States in a given census year.
Source: Data for 2000 from the 2000 census; data for 2006 from the American Community Survey 2006. Data for earlier decades from Gibson, Campbell, and Emily Lennon, US Census Bureau (Working Paper No. 29, Historical Census Statistics on the Foreign-Born Population of the United States: 1850 to 1990, US Government Printing Office, Washington, DC, 1999). Available online.



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Almost half of all Filipino immigrants resided in California in 2006, and over two-thirds of the population were concentrated in five states.
In 2006, California had the largest number of Filipino immigrants (750,056, or 45.8 percent), followed by Hawaii (99,341, or 6.1 percent), New York (87,407, or 5.3 percent), Illinois (85,612, or 5.2 percent), and New Jersey (82,356, or 5.0 percent).

Together, these five states accounted for 67.4 percent (1,104,772) of all Filipino-born immigrants.

Los Angeles-Long Beach-Santa Ana, CA was the metropolitan area with the largest number of Filipino born (257,921, or 15.7 percent), followed by New York-Northern New Jersey-Long Island, NY-NJ-PA (151,969, or 9.3 percent), San Francisco-Oakland-Fremont, CA (148,611, or 9.1 percent), San Diego-Carlsbad-San Marcos, CA (88,283, or 5.4 percent), Chicago-Naperville-Joliet, IL-IN-WI (83,590, or 5.1 percent), San Jose-Sunnyvale-Santa Clara, CA (59,351, or 3.6 percent), and Riverside-San Bernardino-Ontario, CA (51,506 or 3.1 percent). These seven metropolitan areas accounted for 51.3 percent of the 1.6 million Filipino immigrants in 2006.

Map 1. State Proportion of the Filipino-Born Population in the United States (PDF)

Please note: Due to compatibility issues, you may need to download the map to your computer in order for it to load properly.
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The size of the Filipino immigrant population grew more than 50 percent in 11 states between 2000 and 2006.
Between 2000 and 2006, 11 states, most of them with small Filipino immigrant populations, saw the number of Filipino immigrants grow more than 50 percent. These states are Vermont, Connecticut, Iowa, Nevada, North Carolina, Minnesota, West Virginia, Texas, Oregon, Maine, and Arkansas (see Table 2).
Table 2. Top States for Growth of the Filipino-Born Population, 2000 to 2006
 
2000
2006
Change 2000 to 2006
Vermont
228
642
181.6%
Connecticut
6,247
10,457
67.4%
Iowa
1,795
3,004
67.4%
Nevada
31,491
52,016
65.2%
North Carolina
8,237
13,602
65.1%
Minnesota
4,518
7,336
62.4%
West Virginia
1,335
2,102
57.5%
Texas
45,907
71,699
56.2%
Oregon
7,474
11,649
55.9%
Maine
1,095
1,700
55.3%
Arkansas
1,867
2,842
52.2%
Source: 2000 census; 2006 American Community Survey.



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In five states, the size of the Filipino immigrant population declined between 2000 and 2006.
Between 2000 and 2006, the Filipino immigrant population declined in five states including Louisiana (45.8 percent), Wyoming (30.1 percent), Nebraska (24.0 percent), South Dakota (16.5 percent), and Hawaii (2.7 percent) (see Table 3). Except for Hawaii, the states with the largest percentage declines in the Filipino immigrant population were states with a small foreign-born population from the Philippines.
Table 3. States with a Decline in the Filipino-Born Population, 2000 to 2006
 
2000
2006
Change 2000 to 2006
Louisiana
3,722
2,018
-45.8%
Wyoming
385
269
-30.1%
Nebraska
1,702
1,293
-24.0%
South Dakota
576
481
-16.5%
Hawaii
102,063
99,341
-2.7%
Source: 2000 census; 2006 American Community Survey.



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Demographic and Socioeconomic Overview

One of every five Filipino foreign born in the United States arrived in 2000 or later.
As of 2006, 20.9 percent of the 1.6 million Filipino foreign born entered the country in 2000 or later, with 27.3 percent entering between 1990 and 1999, 27.5 percent between 1980 and 1989, 16.1 percent between 1970 and 1979, and the remaining 8.3 percent prior to 1970.

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Nearly two-thirds of Filipino immigrants in 2006 were adults of working age.
Of the Filipino immigrants residing in the United States in 2006, 5.7 percent were minors (under age 18), 64.0 percent were of working age (between ages 18 and 54), and 30.3 percent were seniors (age 55 or older).

Of the foreign-born population in the United States in 2006, 8.1 percent were minors, 69.9 percent were of working age, and 22.1 percent were seniors.

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Filipino immigrant women outnumbered men by about three to two in 2006.
Of all Filipino immigrants residing in the country in 2006, 58.7 percent were women and 41.3 percent were men.

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The majority of Filipino immigrants were naturalized US citizens in 2006.
Among the Filipino foreign born, 62.8 percent were naturalized US citizens in 2006, compared to 42.1 percent among the overall foreign-born population.

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About one-third of Filipino immigrants in 2006 were limited English proficient.
About 14.4 percent of the 1.6 million Filipino immigrants age 5 and older reported speaking “English only” while 55.5 percent reported speaking English "very well." In contrast, 30.1 percent reported speaking English less than “very well,” far lower than the 52.4 percent reported among all foreign born age 5 and older.

(Note: The term limited English proficient refers to any person age 5 or older who reported speaking English "not at all," "not well," or "well" on their survey questionnaire. Individuals who reported speaking only English or speaking English "very well" are considered proficient in English).

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Nearly half of Filipino foreign-born adults had a bachelor's or higher degree.
In 2006, 49.6 percent of the 1.4 Filipino-born adults age 25 and older had a bachelor's degree or higher compared to 26.7 percent among the 30.9 million foreign-born adults.

On the other end of the education continuum, about 8.9 percent of Filipino immigrants had no high school diploma or the equivalent General Education Diploma (GED), compared to 32.0 percent among all foreign-born adults. About 14.8 percent had a high school diploma or GED compared to 23.8 percent among all foreign-born adults.

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Filipino immigrant women were more likely to participate in the civilian labor force than foreign-born women overall.
In 2006, Filipino-born men age 16 and older were less likely to be in the civilian labor force (72.6 percent) than foreign-born men overall (79.3 percent). In contrast, Filipino-born women age 16 and older were more likely to be in the civilian labor force (67.6 percent) than all foreign-born women (55.1 percent).

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Almost one-third of employed Filipino-born women had health-care and related occupations.
Among the 599,253 Filipino-born female workers age 16 and older employed in the civilian labor force, 15.0 percent reported working as registered nurses, 6.6 percent reported working as other health-care practitioners, 6.6 percent reported working in health-care support occupations, and 1.3 percent reported working as physicians. Compared to other immigrants, Filipino-born male workers age 16 and older employed in the civilian labor force were also more likely to report working in health-care and related occupations (see Table 4).

Both Filipino foreign-born men and women were significantly less likely to be employed as construction, extraction, and transportation workers than foreign-born men and women overall.
Table 4. Occupations of Employed Workers in the Civilian Labor Force Age 16 and Older by Gender and Origin, 2006
 
Filipino foreign born
All foreign born
 
Male
Female
Male
Female
 
 
 
 
 
Persons age 16 and older employed in the civilian labor force
432,946
599,253
13,285,912
8,921,521
 
 
 
 
 
Total percent
100
100
100
100
    Management, business, finance
11.8
11.5
10.2
9.8
    Information technology
4.7
1.5
3.9
1.9
    Other sciences and engineering
6.7
2.3
4.1
2.3
    Social services and legal
1.6
1.2
1.0
1.9
    Education/training and media/entertainment
2.5
3.9
3.3
6.9
    Physicians
2.2
1.3
1.3
1.0
    Registered nurses
4.2
15.0
0.3
3.3
    Other health-care practitioners
4.6
6.6
0.9
3.0
    Health-care support
1.8
6.6
0.6
5.2
    Services
16.0
15.6
16.9
25.0
    Sales
7.8
9.0
7.8
10.9
    Administrative support
13.5
18.5
5.5
15.1
    Farming, fishing, and forestry
0.4
0.3
2.5
1.1
    Construction, extraction, and transportation
8.4
1.1
26.8
3.4
    Manufacturing, installation, and repair
13.7
5.8
15.0
9.4
Source: 2006 American Community Survey.



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There were 81,545 Filipino-born veterans of the US Armed Forces in the United States in 2006.
In 2006, there were 81,545 immigrants from the Philippines who served in the armed forces of the United States (army, navy, air force, marines, or coast guard). The Filipino born composed the largest group among the 658,020 foreign-born veterans (12.4 percent), followed by immigrants from Mexico (10.9 percent), Germany (8.8 percent), and Canada (7.3 percent).

Among these Filipino-born veterans, 27,778 were engaged in active-duty military service during the Vietnam War (August 1964 to April 1975), 5,337 during the Korean War (June 1950 to January 1955), and 7,186 during World War II (December 1941 to December 1946).

(Note: Veterans includes any individual who has served in the military forces of the United States [army, navy, air force, marines, or coast guard] in time of war or peace for any length of time at any place at home or abroad. It excludes current members of the armed forces. Since the American Community Survey data on veterans is based on self-reported responses, they may differ from data from other sources, such as administrative records of the Department of Defense or from the Veterans Administration.)

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Legal and Unauthorized Filipino Immigrant Population

The Filipino foreign born accounted for about 4.5 percent of all lawful permanent residents living in the United States in 2006.
According to data from the Office of Immigration Statistics (OIS), the Filipino foreign born accounted for 4.5 percent (540,000) of the 12.1 million lawful permanent residents (LPRs, also known as green card holders) living in the United States in 2006. They are the second-largest LPR group after the foreign born from Mexico (27.3 percent or 3.3 million).

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About 984,000 Filipinos have gained lawful permanent residence in the United States since 1990. Between 1990 and 2007, 984,048 Filipino-born immigrants obtained lawful permanent residence in the United States (see Figure 1). The Filipino born accounted for 6.9 percent (or 72,596) of the 1.1 million immigrants who received lawful permanent residence in 2007.
Figure 1. Number of Filipino Born Who Received Lawful Permanent Residence in the United States, 1990 to 2007

Note: This figure includes both immigrants admitted and those who adjusted their status after arrival.
Source: US Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics, 2006 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics and 2004 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics.



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Over half of Filipino-born lawful permanent residents in 2007 were admitted as the immediate relatives of US citizens. Of the 72,596 Filipino born granted LPR status in 2007, 57.0 percent (41,416) were immediate relatives of US citizens, 23.7 percent (17,182) were employment-based immigrants, and 18.6 percent (13,535) were family-sponsored immigrants.

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Filipino-born lawful permanent residents made up 3.8 percent of all those eligible to naturalize as of 2006. Filipino-born LPRs are the second-largest group of permanent residents eligible to naturalize (tied with LPRs from the Dominican Republic). According to OIS estimates, of the 8.3 million LPRs eligible to apply for citizenship as of 2006, 310,000 (3.8 percent) were born in the Philippines.

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In 2006, 2 percent of all unauthorized immigrants in the United States were from the Philippines. OIS has estimated that 280,000, or 2 percent, of the approximately 11.5 million unauthorized migrants in 2006 were born in the Philippines.

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The number of unauthorized immigrants from the Philippines increased 40 percent between 2000 and 2006. The estimated number of unauthorized immigrants from the Philippines has increased since 2000, rising from 200,000 to 280,000.

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For information about ACS methodology, sampling error, and nonsampling error, click here.

Sources

Baker, Bryan. 2007. Trends in Naturalization Rates. December 2007. US Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics. Available online.

Hoefer, Michael, Nancy Rytina, and Christopher Campbell. 2007. Estimates of the Unauthorized Immigrant Population Residing in the United States: January 2006. August 2007. US Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics. Available online.

Jefferys, Kelly J. and Daniel C. Martin. 2008. Refugees and Asylees: 2007. July 2008. US Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics. Available online.

Rytina, Nancy. 2008. Estimates of the Legal Permanent Resident Population in 2006. February 2008. US Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics. Available online.

US Census Bureau. 2006 American Community Survey. Accessed from Steven Ruggles, Matthew Sobek, Trent Alexander, et al., Integrated Public Use Microdata Series: Version 3.0. Minneapolis, MN: Minnesota Population Center, 2004.

US Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics. 2007 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, Table 3: Persons Obtaining Legal Permanent Resident Status by Region and Country of Birth: Fiscal Years 1998 to 2007. Available online.